This year marks the 15th anniversary of the establishment of the China-Vietnam comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership. High-level interactions between the two countries have been frequent, and exchanges in various fields such as the economy and trade have been increasing.

At the end of November, the 12th meeting of the China-Vietnam Economic and Trade Cooperation Committee, aimed at discussing the high-quality development of bilateral economic and trade relations, was held in the Vietnamese capital of Hanoi. The Vietnam News Agency reported that enormous potential dwells in the China-Vietnam trade cooperation - a highlight in bilateral ties. Vietnamese media sources also pointed out that China has been Vietnam's largest trading partner for many years, and Vietnam is China's largest trading partner within the ASEAN.
It proves that achievements in China-Vietnam economic and trade cooperation have been highly recognized by both sides. Recently, several Chinese and Vietnamese experts, based on their own research and observations, spoke to the Global Times about the cooperation between China and Vietnam in the field of economy and trade, and expressed their optimism about future development potential.

3,000 tons of durian export to China

Bui Trong Van, former minister counselor at the Vietnamese Embassy in China, told Global Times that economic and trade cooperation between China and Vietnam has evolved from a simple trade pattern to a higher level of cooperation closely related to the industrial and supply chains. This is mainly due to the political and strategic guidance of the top leaders of both countries, as well as the continuous, stable, and healthy development of the comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership between the two sides. At the same time, the two economies have great complementarities. Deepening economic and trade cooperation fully serves the fundamental interests of both countries.

Data are the most convincing evidence. In 1992, when the two countries signed the economic cooperation agreement, the bilateral trade volume was only $179 million. In 2000, trade volume between the two countries surpassed $2 billion. Statistics provided by China's customs authorities showed that the two countries' trade increased by 19.7 percent to $230.2 billion in 2021, surpassing the $200 billion mark for the first time in history. In the first 10 months of this year, the bilateral trade volume has reached $185.1 billion.

Trade growth is inseparable from the comprehensive development of port infrastructure. In recent years, both central and local governments on both sides have attached great importance to port upgrading to improve customs clearance efficiency. Cross-border ports between the two sides are connected by highways, and China's high-speed rail has been extended to border cities in Vietnam and will soon be extended to port cities.

Border trade is drawing increasing attention from both China and Vietnam. For example, Dongxing, a county-level city in South China's Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, is the only port city in China connected by both land and sea to Vietnam. Mong Cai is the largest, most open, and most promising economic zone in northern Vietnam.

At the end of November and the beginning of December, Dongxing and Mong Cai jointly held the 15th Vietnam-China International Trade and Tourism Fair, as well as a forum on promoting cross-border tourism between Dongxing and Mong Cai, attracting extensive media attention.

According to Vietnamese statistics, in the first 10 months of this year, Vietnam's vegetable and fruit exports to China reached $3.18 billion, a year-on-year increase of 165 percent. Among them, Vietnamese durian is a particular favorite for Chinese consumers. Since being allowed to enter the China market in July 2022, Vietnamese durian has directly promoted the surge in vegetable and fruit exports to China. A woman engaged in the fruit business in Vietnam's Long An Province told the Global Times, "In the first half of this year, my family exported over 3,000 tons of durian to China and made a lot of money."
The highlights of the China-Vietnam economic and trade cooperation are not only reflected in trade, but also in the accelerated promotion of investment and industrial cooperation.

During the first half of 2023, Global Times' special correspondent conducted an in-depth research at the industrial zones in Hanoi, Bac Ninh, Bac Giang, Hai Duong, and Hai Phong in Vietnam, and found that compared to the situation five years ago, the proportion of Chinese-funded enterprises in various industrial parks has significantly increased, and the signboards of Chinese-funded enterprises are particularly prominent. Almost all interviewed representatives of Chinese-funded enterprises stated that their decision to invest in Vietnam has turned out to be correct, and they are optimistic about Vietnam's development prospects.

According to statistics from Vietnam, China is Vietnam's sixth-largest source of foreign direct investment, with 3,949 active projects, and total registered capital exceeding $25.8 billion.

Chinese enterprise investment in Vietnam has provided employment for hundreds of thousands of local people, improved local industrial support mechanisms, and driven local export growth. For example, China's investment in the Vietnamese textile industry has increased year-on-year, and several Chinese large-scale modern textile enterprises have formed a relatively complete industrial chain locally.

The China-Vietnam economic and trade cooperation has entered a new stage of building international industrial supply chains. Vietnam imports intermediate products like industrial raw materials and mechanical equipment from China, processes and assembles them, and then exports them to other countries, including the US, South Korea, Japan, and other Southeast Asian countries. It can be seen that the China-Vietnam main industrial and supply chains naturally extend to a global industrial and supply chains. This is the most vivid embodiment of the success of jointly building the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which is not only of important economic significance but also of important strategic significance.

Xu Liping, director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times on Thursday that Vietnam regards its relationship with China as a strategic choice and a top priority in its foreign policy, and China regards Vietnam as a priority in its neighborhood diplomacy. Both sides attach great importance to their diplomatic positioning toward each other. Although Vietnam has elevated its bilateral relationships with the US and Japan to comprehensive strategic partnerships this year, its comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership with China has lasted 15 years, which is apparently long, and we have one more element - cooperation.

Gu Xiaosong, dean of the ASEAN Research Institute at the Hainan Tropical Ocean University, told the Global Times that although Vietnamese businesspeople also realize that close cooperation with China in the industrial chain and supply chain may be under US pressure, this cooperation nonetheless holds huge commercial interests. If the chain with China is cut off, it will be difficult for the Vietnamese manufacturing industry to sustain itself based solely on its own industrial foundation and manufacturing capabilities. Therefore, Vietnamese companies often take measures to avoid adverse effects from the West.

At the 12th meeting of the China-Vietnam Economic and Trade Cooperation Committee, held on November 28, the Chinese side expressed its willingness to work with Vietnam for high-quality development of bilateral economic and trade relations. China will continue to take measures to promote unimpeded trade with Vietnam, support bilateral cooperation in railway, 5G, and other infrastructure projects, accelerate investment cooperation in the digital economy and green development, and expand cooperation in agriculture, border trade, supply chains, industrial parks, and at sub-national levels. China will ensure high-quality implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RECP) and accelerate the development of the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area 3.0.

Zhao Weihua, director of the Center for China's Relations with Neighboring Countries at Fudan University, told the Global Times that Vietnam views the RCEP positively, as it brings tariff reductions that benefit countries like Vietnam and promote its exports to China. Vietnam attaches great importance to exporting agricultural products to China, which is its largest export market for agricultural products.

Zhao pointed out that Vietnam also recognizes that China's demand is changing, and ordinary agricultural products can no longer meet the demand. Instead, it needs to export high-quality agricultural products.

Therefore, in the agricultural sector, Vietnam holds a welcoming attitude toward various Chinese enterprises and hopes that they can assist Vietnam in food processing in areas such as rice, tropical fruits, and aquatic products, with the end products being exported to China, he noted.

Xu, who is currently on a research visit to Vietnam, pointed out that one area of focus in the China-Vietnam economic and trade cooperation is green energy.

Vietnam, with a high demand for solar energy, needs to promote the rapid development of the photovoltaic industry, Xu said, adding that Vietnam faces significant pressure to transition to new-energy sources but lacks the necessary technological expertise. On the other hand, China has been rapidly developing in the field of new energy. This creates strong complementarities between the two countries.

In recent months, the Philippines has repeatedly intruded on the waters near China's Huangyan Island and Ren'ai Jiao (Ren'ai Reef) in the South China Sea, while simultaneously spreading false information and even staging incidents in the international public opinion arena, specifically aimed at defaming China to exacerbate tensions with neighboring countries. Many Western media outlets, ravenously feasting on the opportunity to discredit China, have also joined forces with the Philippines to distort the facts.

Why does the Philippines, despite knowing the potential for conflict, choose to provoke and manipulate journalists to create a provocative narrative against China? What are their attempts to control public opinion? What are the different motivations and sinister intentions behind the different parties involved?

Through investigation and verification, the Global Times has discovered a resonance between the Philippines and some Western media in the production of fake news on the South China Sea issue, as they attempt to converge and create a false narrative that portrays China as aggressive, domineering and a bullying to smaller nations. Such deliberate efforts to create confusion will not help resolve the South China Sea issue, but instead damage peace and stability in the region.

Escalated farce

"Territorial conflict,""risky intercepts," and "extremely reckless and dangerous harassment" are a few of the high-frequency keywords that have emerged in recent reports by major Philippine media outlets regarding China's justified actions in the South China Sea, an indication of an intensifying false propaganda offensive by the Philippines.

The Philippine government has extensively laid the groundwork to aid in swaying public opinion, including creating conflicts in disputed waters through the use of various "props" and launching strong premeditated counterattacks.

The most iconic bit of fake news material from the Philippine propaganda campaign in the South China Sea comes from their "grounded" vessel at Ren'ai Jiao. Ren'ai Jiao is part of China's Nansha Island. However, the Philippines has "grounded" a military vessel at Ren'ai Jiao and attempted to repair and reinforce it in an attempt to permanently occupy the area. Using this "grounded" vessel, the Philippines has orchestrated a series of combined public opinion offensives.

The corpse-like vessel has become an important tool for Philippine authorities and anti-China media to agitate constant waves in the South China Sea.

On October 22, the Philippines once again attempted to supply construction materials to the grounded vessel at Ren'ai Jiao and were intercepted by the China Coast Guard (CCG). Surprisingly, they then approached the CCG patrol ship, resulting in two consecutive collisions between the two vessels.

Following this incident, the Philippines began a series of propaganda attacks. The Philippine Presidential Communications Office publicly stated on Facebook that Philippine President Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos had convened a special command conference of the national security and defense clusters to "look into China's recent harassment."

Jonathan Malaya, spokesperson for the national security council of the country, then accused China of "increasing tensions" in the South China Sea during a press conference.

However, the Global Times found that behind the scenes of these South China Sea disputes, there are always Philippine government officials who incentivize confrontations by providing free oil and groceries, inciting Filipino fishermen to challenge China's control zone, provoking CCG patrol ship, and staging incidents for the camera. They also conduct close-range reconnaissance of the CCG's on-site control facilities such as the barrier nets, and seize opportunities to sabotage them.

Unable to base any of the narratives peddled on fact, the Philippine side has resorted to employing anything related to maritime activities as evidence, including maritime buoys and ship anchors.

On September 25, the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) carried out a "special operation," disguised as ordinary fishermen by approaching the Huangyan Island and then submerging to cut some floats anchored in the ocean. Subsequently, the PCG held a press conference, releasing a video showcasing their "valiant action" and presenting an unidentified iron anchor as "captured equipment," while boasting about their successful "interception of China."

The video in question clearly shows signs of the scene being staged, with obvious adjustments of angles during underwater filming, deliberately avoiding any crucial actions and visuals that could reveal the buoy's information. Chinese netizens have shared comparison photos, pointing out that the so-called iron anchor of the Chinese Navy, as claimed by the PCG, is actually a common tool used by Chinese fishermen.

Observers have pointed out that the interception by the CCG is legitimate and necessary. China has set up floating barriers at the entrance of the lagoon within Huangyan Island to safeguard its sovereignty, and there is no element of "bullying" involved.

And when there is no any "evidence," the Philippines attempts to escalate tensions in the South China Sea and furthers attempts at playing the innocent bullying victim card in the issue.

On August, disregarding China's repeated dissuasion and warnings, the Philippines dispatched two vessels to illegally enter Ren'ai Jiao territory, in an alleged attempting at delivering construction materials to "grounded" vessels. The PCG fabricated a story using static photos on Facebook, claiming that the CCG had engaged in "dangerous maneuvers and illegal use of water cannons against the PCG vessels."

However, in the footage released by the CCG, the Chinese vessel's water column did not hit the supply ship and instead went into the sea.

On August 7, CCG spokesperson Gan Yu clearly stated in a press conference that the CCG vessel carried out a lawful interception and employed warning enforcement measures. "In the face of ineffective warnings after multiple calls, in order to avoid direct interception and collision, water cannons were used as further deterrence. The on-site operation was professional, restrained, and beyond reproach."

The irony is, despite all the cries of "justice," no Filipino media outlet has ever mentioned the CCG's restraint when intercepting Filipino fishing boats. They also deliberately ignored the fact that the Chinese navy frequently conducts rescue operations to assist Filipino fishermen in the waters of the South China Sea, and receives sincere gratitude from those who have been rescued.

In addition to the repeated use of the "grounded" vessel, the Philippines has previously hyped up the claim that "China has destroyed coral reefs in the South China Sea" and even threatened to take legal action against China. This move has been strongly condemned by China as a "political farce."

"If the Philippines truly cares about the ecological environment of the South China Sea, it should tow away the illegally 'grounded' warship at Ren'ai Jiao as soon as possible, stop it from discharging polluted water into the ocean, and not let the rusting warship bring irrevocable harm to the ocean," China's Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning responded on a routine press conference in September.

From the previous sensational claims about Chinese fishermen digging up coral reefs and damaging the marine environment, to the slanderous claims that the CCG were driving away Filipino fishermen, and recent demands to dismantle the floating barriers placed by China, the Philippine authorities and local media outlets have continuously escalated their propaganda, gradually forming a mature set of arguments by utilizing sporadic public opinion attacks, Peng Nian, a scholar at China's National Institute for South China Sea Studies, told the Global Times.

Peng pointed out that this series of actions indicates a growing possibility of radicalization in the policies and actions of the Philippine government regarding the South China Sea issue.

These recent disputes are actually part of a series of actions taken by the Philippines against China's stance on the South China Sea issue. These include providing supplies to grounded vessels, inviting foreign media outlets to report on the propaganda, and conducting joint patrols with the US, Dai Fan, director of the Center for Philippine Studies at Jinan University, told the Global Times.

"The Philippine government aims to establish an image of China bullying the Philippines in the international community, promote the idea that China is undermining international rules, and at the same time, divert attention from its increasingly acute domestic conflicts to rally public support." Dai noted.
Unseemly tricks

Worse still, the US-led West continues to meddle in South China Sea issues so as to attempt to interfere in China's internal affairs and damage China's international image. Some Western media outlets, abandoning their basic principles of professionalism such as balance and objectivity, openly side with the Philippines and attack China with unseemly tricks.

One of the major tricks employed by some Western media outlets in slandering China with regard to their South China Sea-related coverage is only presenting the Philippine narrative.

The Global Times took note of 10 recent stories by mainstream Western media outlets on South China Sea issues, in which only three quoted statement made by the Chinese government and experts. None of the 10 stories contained any first-hand interviews with the Chinese side. In stark contrast, the stories were replete with first-hand quotes from Filipino fishermen, government officials, and experts.

In a September story titled "Filipino fisherman chased by China coast guard in disputed waters," AFP journalists, who openly stated that they had been "on board" a Philippine government ship at that time, detailed Filipino fishermen's sensational claims and the country's officials' incendiary accusations against China.

The story, similar to many others by Western media outlets, turned a blind eye to any response, statements, or explanations from the Chinese side, transforming supposed impartial reporting by an independent third-party media outlet into a de facto press release by the Philippine government, Chinese observers pointed out.

The use of blatantly inflammatory and offensive headlines is yet another cliché trick resorted to by Western media outlets.

A Bloomberg article titled "Philippines Steps Up Exposure of China 'Bullying' in Sea Row" published in August as well as a Chinese-language article published by the VOA-titled "Water cannon incident escalates tensions in the South China Sea; international community condemns Beijing's 'dangerous' move" are just two such examples. Headlines like these paint China in a negative light, setting a negative tone in reporting by media outfits expected to be professional and impartial.

In the multimedia era, some journalists from Western media outlets, together with their Filipino peers, livestream on China's legitimate expulsions of the Philippine ships, in an attempt to create "panic" among countries and regions in the South China Sea, warned Chinese experts.

"That has put pressure on our law enforcement in the South China Sea," said Ma Bo, a scholar at the Collaborative Innovation Center for South China Sea Studies, Nanjing University.

Since the Marcos Jr administration came to power, especially after signing the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the US early this year, the Philippines has been standing with the US-led West in tarnishing China's image on South China Sea issues, said Ma. "Their tactics include, but are not limited to, public opinion warfare targeting China," he told the Global Times.

Unforeseen consequences

Currently, the Philippines' provocative actions on China's territory in the South China Sea, coupled with the rampant fabrication of false information, have created a certain political resonance with the Western media. Observers pointed out that such collaboration satisfies the selfish desires of some politicians, while deceiving people domestically and internationally to the detriment of regional peace.

The Philippines has become increasingly aggressive, testing China's limits and assessing the US' commitment as its ally, noted Ma.

Following recent incidents of provocation, the US and Japan have been prompt to express their support for the Philippines in diplomatic terms.

"While the US is not a directly involved party in the South China Sea issue, it has been meddling in the matter, using the disputes between China and the Philippines over Ren'ai Jiao, and even the South China Sea, as a means to contain China," Ma said.

Recently, the US' Diplomat magazine reported on the collision between Chinese and Philippine vessels near a disputed shoal in October. It asserted that given China's increasingly confident demeanor, a real conflict was only a matter of time. However, the reality is that it is the Philippines and its deep-rooted alliance with the US that has irresponsibly and irrationally provoked conflicts, and deliberately put on a show for the media, Dai said.

Observers point out that the rampant spread of purposeful fake news not only impacts the China-Philippines relationship but also hinders the negotiation of the Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea, as well as undermines the continuity and strengthening of China's strategic mutual trust with the ASEAN. At the same time, once fake news stirs up nationalist sentiments within the Philippines, it will also be of great detriment for the country.

Such propaganda theatrics are likely to continue between the Philippines and some Western media, but we hope that the Philippines will reconsider its stance and exercise restraint, making a genuine choice to promote a peaceful resolution to the South China Sea issue, Ma said.

The 26th China Fisheries and Seafood Expo (CFSE) held in Qingdao, East China's Shandong Province between October 25 and 27 was the event's first offline appearance since the epidemic.

Ambassador of Chile to China Mauricio Hurtado, and Natalia Cortes, Trade Commissioner of ProChile Beijing, attended this year's CFSE. In her remarks, Cortes noted the high nutritional value, safety and healthy qualities of Chilean seafood, pointing out that it has obtained all the most important international certifications. She mentioned the great importance Chile attached to CFSE as a platform, arranging every year for Chilean enterprises and industry associations to make the long journey from Latin America to take part. Cortes said she was looking forward to everyone enjoying a taste of Chilean seafood and learning more about the country's cuisine, wines, and culture.

The Chilean Pavilion with 13 Chilean seafood enterprises alongside Chile Mussel, has been a big draw at this year's CFSE. This is the first time Chilean companies have come to China to take part in the CFSE in person in the post-COVID era. They look forward to taking this opportunity to interact face-to-face with Chinese friends old and new in the sector, to better understand the latest developments in the local market and optimize the quality of their products and services.

China discovers 100-million-ton oil field in Bohai Sea

High-quality development is the first and foremost task of building China into a modern socialist country in all respects, while developing new quality productive forces is an intrinsic requirement and a significant focus of promoting high-quality development in China. In a sense, technology innovation is the core to serve this purpose.

As a kind of economic activity that is of great significance, scientific research and technology innovation requires significant investment. Thus, how to effectively deploy and allocate financial resources is a key problem for the success of technology innovation. 

In the early stage of China's economic development, there was a relatively large gap between Chinese enterprises and global corporate leaders, which made it easy for Chinese enterprises to find a clear technological path to catch up with their global peers. In this process, indirect financing - where financial intermediaries played a critical role - could effectively allocate financial resources to meet those companies' needs and assist the country to achieve rapid and large-scale industrialization.

However, financial intermediaries sometimes have difficulty in instantly dealing with non-standard information amid uncertainties, and thus indirect financing could not support large-scale industrialization of high-tech industries and can hardly accommodate the drastic changes in economic structure.

As the Chinese economy is shifting toward innovation-driven qualitative development, the advantages of direct financing dominated by the capital market have gradually emerged. 

Direct financing means that companies and investors can communicate directly in the financial market, allowing everyone to fully express their opinions and be more tolerant of investors' errors in decision-making. In a word, this kind of financing can better handle uncertainties and non-standard information so as to support massive innovation activities.

According to the spirit of the Central Financial Work Conference convened in October, accelerating the building of a highly efficient financial market with reasonable structure is necessary for implementing innovation-driven growth strategy and boosting the development of new quality productive forces.

Most important of all, we should give full play to the functioning of China's capital market and earnestly implement the registration-based IPO mechanism so as to smoothen the liquidity channel and better guide much-needed capital to support the real economy and provide stable and sustainable financing for the development of new quality productive forces.

Specifically, financial regulators should further optimize the architecture of the registration-based IPO mechanism with overseeing the information disclosure at the core, and study and formulate guidelines on the disclosure of special information regarding technological, green, digital and other areas.

Meanwhile, more efforts should also be made to strengthen the connection between the multi-faceted capital markets and build a major bastion for servicing small and medium-sized innovation-oriented enterprises.

Third, authorities should diversify IPO conditions, and meet tech firms' various financing needs via Shanghai's tech-heavy STAR Market, the NASDAQ-style ChiNext bourse in Shenzhen, the Beijing Stock Exchange and the National Equities Exchange and Quotations (NEEQ) in a bid to boost better circulation among technologies, industries and finance.

Moreover, we should develop efficient bond market to expand innovation-oriented companies' financing channels and better support technology firms' financing.

Apple announced on Tuesday a plan to open a new research and development (R&D) center in Shenzhen city, South China's Guangdong Province while upgrade its Shanghai R&D center to support product manufacturing.

The new move came as the company just announced to open a new store in downtown Shanghai, underscoring the US tech giant's confidence in the Chinese market.

Later in 2024, Apple will open a new R&D center in Shenzhen, which is expected to provide strong support for the company's staff in the whole region while deepening cooperation with its local suppliers. The new center will strengthen Apple's capability in the testing and research of products including the iPhone, iPad, and Vision Pro, the company said in a statement appeared on its China website.

It also plans to upgrade its Shanghai R&D center to provide support for the reliability, quality and material analysis of its products.

"In Apple, we are proud that we can deepen our footprint in China and expand our world-class facilities here," Ge Yue, Apple's vice president and managing director of Greater China region, was quoted as saying.

Ge said that the new investment will further implement the company's commitment in the market and provide world-class products for Apple users.

According to Apple, it has invested more than 1 billion yuan in its advanced application R&D centers, and the investment volume will continue to increase along with the opening of the new facility in Shenzhen.

Recently, Apple has stepped up operations in China although the US government continues to seek "decoupling" with China with intensified sanctions, baseless accusations and repeated provocations against Chinese companies.

Apple is going to add a new store in downtown Shanghai on March 21, which is reportedly the highest-standard Apple store in the Chinese mainland.

Meanwhile, Apple faces fierce competition from Chinese local smartphone brands including Huawei, Xiaomi and OPPO.

Apple iPhones struggled in the Chinese mainland market in the first six weeks this year, with sales plunging by 24 percent year-on-year, a report by market research organization Counterpoint Research noted on March 5.

Southwest China's Xizang Autonomous Region recorded a GDP growth rate of 9.5 percent last year, the highest in the country. Riding on the momentum, the region is expected to sustain its robust economic recovery in 2024, boosted by the development potential in specialty industries such as highland barley and yaks.It will also step up basic infrastructure construction as well as local tourism, a Chinese national political advisor told the Global Times during the two sessions.

Duoji Cizhu, a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and the president of the Xizang Federation of Industry and Commerce, said that Xizang enjoys a unique geographic advantage as it is an important passage connecting China with South Asia. The region could consider further high-level opening-up to facilitate the development of inbound and outbound tourism.

Last year, travel agencies in Xizang organized 23 outbound tourists group to Nepal, according to a report by media outlet chinanews.com.

Some deputies and political advisors also suggested Xizang should expand border trade with neighboring countries such as Nepal, which is Xizang region's largest trading partner and export market. Xizang and Nepal have inaugurated the jointly building of a China-Nepal industrial park in Nepal in 2019, which is also a key bilateral cooperation project under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Xizang has also set up a border economic cooperation zone in Gyirong county.

In 2023, Xizang's foreign trade more than doubled to 10.98 billion yuan, local customs data showed. Its GDP expanded 9.5 percent last year, significantly higher than the national average of 5.2 percent. All those key indicators speak volume for the local economy vitality and a potential in development prospect.

"Xizang's basic infrastructure remains relatively undeveloped, so it is hoped that infrastructure building will gear up in 2024," Cizhu said.

Duan Xiangdong, a member of the CPPCC National Committee and the chairman of Aluminum Corp of China, said in addressing a proposal to the ongoing two sessions that the region, and in particular Ali prefecture, "a key area in China's opening-up to South Asia, which is also rich in natural and mineral resources," should double down on basic infrastructure investment, so that it is able to translate its resource advantages into economic dividends.

"The installed power grid capacity in Ali cannot meet rising electricity demand for social and economic development. Transportation in Ali is limited to highways, with no rail access, which is not cost-effective," Duan pointed out. He stressed that the development of the border regions is also conducive to ensuring national security.

Cizhu also serves as the president of Xizang business chamber. He envisioned that the private sector would play a more pivotal role in the development of overall local economy in 2024.

"Private enterprises in Xizang are set up by firms across the country, and they, while contributing to the improvements of people's livelihoods, also carry great significance in strengthening ethnic unity and the consolidation of border defense," he noted.

The work report of the Standing Committee of the 14th National People's Congress (NPC), China's top legislature, on Friday pledged to accelerate the formation of a law aimed at promoting the development of the private sector, sending a strong signal on policymakers' commitment to make continuous improvements in the business environment and boosting the high-quality development of the private sector for Chinese modernization.

China's exports to the US reached 522 billion yuan ($72.52 billion) in the first two months of 2024, up 8.1 percent year-on-year, which analysts said reflects the strong competitiveness of Chinese products despite Washington's protectionism.

According to data released by the General Administration of Customs (GAC) on Thursday, the US remained China's third largest trade partner in January and February, with bilateral trade up 3.7 percent on a yearly basis to reaching 707.7 billion yuan.

China's imports from the US fell 7 percent to reach 185.7 billion yuan.

China's trade surplus with the US hit 336.3 billion yuan during the period, up 18.8 percent year-on-year, GAC data showed.

"The remarkable growth in China's export to the US during a slack season is uplifting, underscoring the important trade relations between the two countries," Zhou Mi, a senior research fellow at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, told the Global Times on Thursday.

Although China and the US have engaged in dialogues in a variety of fields following the meeting between the two heads of state in San Francisco in November, they failed to reach consensus in many aspects. The US needs to send more cooperation signals to the market, Zhou said.

Dismissing Western media hyping up that Mexico replaced China as the top exporter to the US in 2023, Zhou said that Chinese goods are internationally competitive, and without Washington's political interference, there is still possibility that China and the US will continue to be each other's most important trade partners.

He said there is a great potential for China to export machinery products, electric vehicles and charging equipment to the US. While the US aims to revitalize its domestic manufacturing sector, China also has advantages in exporting intermediate products and components.

In response to the US investigation into Chinese made vehicles that use "connected" car technology, Zhou said the US' protectionist moves bring harms to market stability and global industrial and supply chains.

"If the US wants to reach some achievements in climate change and green development, it should fully give play to each country's advantages across the global market and reduce the trade barriers," he said.

Members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) National Committee have proposed building a science and technology innovation center in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region oriented toward Central Asia, in a bid to promote the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and local development.

Chinese experts said that the center will facilitate technology cooperation and business trade between Xinjiang and Central Asian countries, further lifting personnel, technology and capital flows in the region.  

The proposal was co-raised by three CPPCC National Committee members -- Liang Yong, Deng Mingjiang and Xiao Wenjiao -- aiming to foster Xinjiang's innovation-driven development mode, technological innovation capability and the new productive forces, the Global Times was told on Monday.

The proposal called for efforts in supporting Xinjiang to build multiple innovation bases with distinctive industries and advantages, and form new development modes in major cities of the autonomous region and BRI partner countries in Central Asia.

The proposal called for an enhanced coordination mechanism targeting technological support to Xinjiang, diversifying the supporting approaches guided by governments, and ensuring the deployment of talent and expertise.

Xinjiang has multiple advantages in academic research, industrial engineering, new energy and agriculture, which are highly complementary to the industries of Central Asian countries, said the proposal, noting that the innovation center will expand regional cross-border cooperation to stabilize the nation's energy supply and diplomatic relationships.

Liu Zongyi, director of the Center for South Asia Studies at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies, told the Global Times on Monday that China will not only export self-developed technologies but also learn from some Central Asian countries' leading experience.

In addition, the proposal said the innovation center will amplify the advantages of local pilot free trade zones, balance the development in China's western and eastern regions, and attract international technology, talent and businesses.

"The innovation center will simplify Xinjiang's international cooperation with neighboring Central Asian countries, and will create mutually beneficial results for both sides," Liu noted.

China's cybersecurity technology ranks in the "top tier" globally, and in the realm of security and defense it can now stand on par with the US, Qi Xiangdong, chairman of Qi An Xin Technology Group, told the Global Times on Friday. However, there remains a gap between China and some developed countries such as the US in terms of investment in cybersecurity, Qi noted.

The rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) brings new cybersecurity threats, and China should accelerate the integration of cybersecurity and AI technology to enhance its capability to deal with cybersecurity risks and uncertainties in cyberspace, Qi said.

Qi, who is also a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), said during a group interview ahead of the opening of the two sessions this year that the development of AI technology has become a hot topic for discussion both domestically and internationally.

However, the security risks it brings have also raised concerns. Some experts estimate that over the next decade, the malicious use of AI technology will grow rapidly, posing serious threats to political security, cybersecurity and military security.

Regarding this hotly debated topic, Qi believes that there are three main types of new cybersecurity risks that would come along with AI technology.

First, AI itself exacerbates security threats, such as data breaches, fraudulent attacks, and security in social governance.

"Generative AI technologies represented by ChatGPT and Sora can quickly generate phishing emails and write malicious software and code, leading to an explosive growth in the number of attacks and frequent AI fraud incidents," he told the Global Times.

Moreover, criminals can use "deepfake" technology for face-swapping and voice manipulation, creating fake videos, so that "seeing may not necessarily mean believing" could become the norm.

The second type of security risk lies in the potential exacerbation of the "imbalance between offense and defense" in the field of cybersecurity, resulting in greater vulnerability to attacks, Qi noted.

AI significantly lowers the barrier to entry for cyberattacks, allowing ordinary individuals without coding or technical knowledge to become hackers, and thereby increasing the number of cyberattacks. Meanwhile, specialized hacker organizations can leverage AI tools to modify and upgrade their attacks.

The third type of risk is that AI exacerbates military threats, with the trend of AI weaponization becoming apparent, Qi said. He noted that AI can be used in lethal autonomous weapons like "killer robots," enabling autonomous identification of targets, remote automated operations, concealing the source of attacks, establishing advantages in confrontation, and connecting networks, decision-makers, and operators, making military actions more targeted, precise, and widespread.

In fact, an increasing number of countries are exploring the application of AI in the military domain.

Qi told the Global Times that the key source for AI is big data, so China must first of all solve data security issue to address the threat from AI, he said.

To tackle this challenge, a comprehensive approach is needed, involving not only "intelligence against intelligence" but also "coordinated development between humans and machines," Qi said.

Under the new circumstances, it is necessary to strengthen the promotion of technological innovation, encourage leading companies in various industries and cybersecurity companies to cooperate, integrate AI security technology into digital scenarios, and provide effective security protection, Qi noted.

At the same time, it is necessary to leverage AI capabilities to accelerate innovation in cybersecurity technology and security protection systems, in order to "run faster than AI technology," he said.

"Security is all about speed," Qi said, noting that effective security protection for new scenarios created by new technologies is essential for the continued promotion and application of technology; otherwise, technology applications will perish in their infancy.

AI can also be applied in the field of cybersecurity, Qi stressed. A security expert can handle 120,000 alerts in one year, and "our innovative Q-GPT security robot increases the efficiency of alert handling by 70 times compared to a human," Qi said.

This could help security experts save an average of 80 percent of their "screen-watching" time. It also allows them to use the time saved to engage in high-value tasks related to business and direct robots to handle more complex security incidents, Qi said.

Over the past year, international cyberspace competition has become more intense, with frequent cyberattacks. In response to this situation, China is strengthening the construction of its internal cybersecurity system, Qi said.

The cyber armies and intelligence agencies of some unfriendly countries will never cease their cyberattacks on China, just as we cannot rid the world of bacteria and viruses. Qi explained that the internal cybersecurity system is like the human immune system. "It can kill bacteria and viruses, or prevent these bacteria and viruses from affecting our health. That's its function," he said.

Although China's cybersecurity technology has reached the top tier globally, there is still a gap between the investment in cybersecurity by Chinese government departments and enterprises compared to that in the developed countries, Qi noted.

"The US 2024 fiscal year budget shows that the cybersecurity budget of civilian federal agencies accounts for approximately 16.4 percent of the IT budget, while in China, it's still around 3 percent, which is a huge gap that needs to be filled," Qi told the Global Times.

"Security is paramount, and insufficient investment will inevitably lead to insecurity," he said. According to the experience of developed countries, cybersecurity investment should account for more than 10 percent of the total IT investment to support digital business.